A Study of Hasan Mustafa’s Fatwa: ‘It is a duty Incumbent upon the Indonesian Muslims to be Loyal to the Dutch East Indies Government’
Oleh : Mufti Ali, Ph.D
As a Muslim scholar adapted to the system of colonial administration and a judge, a Penghulu, often faced a dilemma. On the one hand, he had to act professionally and, on the other, he was urged to satisfy the political interest of his ‘employer.’ Professionally speaking, the duty of a Penghulu was that of a qadi who had to determine facts and pass the judgement as well as that of a mufti who had to give ‘legal’ advice in accordance with the interest of the people, corresponding to the sense of justice in the Muslim community. In his position within the colonial administration, the Penghulu may have been compelled sometimes to give legal advice against the interest of the people. When he became the Chief Penghulu in Aceh, Hasan Mustafa compiled a treatise of questions and answers in which he dealt with among others, the duty of Acehnese people, who were waging war against the Dutch East Indies soldiers, to be loyal to the Dutch East Indies Government.
This paper will try to clarify the context of this view. Contextually speaking, it seems that this view is a reflection of his participation in the effort to end the Acehnese war, so one tends to judge him as a loyal rather than a professional Penghulu. That assumption can also be based on his correspondence and relation with Snouck Hurgronje to whom Mustafa gave information about the socio-political situation in Aceh. Thus, there might be, at least, two factors which urged him to issue such a fatwa; one was his being Penghulu, within the system of the Colonial administration, and the other was his being a friend, if not to say ‘informant,’ of the great Dutch Islamicist Snouck Hurgronje. This paper will try to prove the assumption that these two factors urged him to issue the fatwa rather than a certain method of legal reasoning.
Hasan Mustafa’s fatwa is not the only fatwa which dealt with the relationship between European colonial powers and the Muslims who were colonized. In fact, there were many discussions about this issue which are reflected in a number of legal opinions of Muslim scholars. Being eager to get deeper into this topic, the position of Hasan Mustafa’s fatwa will be placed within the context of classical and contemporary views of Muslim scholars.
This paper will try to answer: (1) what was the historical background of this fatwa?, (2) what were the internal factors, apart from the Acehnese war as external factor, which urged the Mufti to issue this kind of fatwa?
Apart from the introduction and the conclusion, the present paper consists of three parts. The first part which discusses the Mufti and his fatwa will be divided into three sections. The first section contains a biographical sketch of Haji Hasan Mustafa, the second section contains an analysis of Haji Hasan Mustafa’s unpublished manuscript, Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat Atjeh wa Fidr (Revealing the Secrets about the Reality of Aceh and Pidir) in which the fatwa under discussion is found, and the third section contains a translation and discussion of the fatwa. The second part which concerns the historical background of this fatwa will be divided into four sections. The first section contains a brief description of the Aceh war; the second contains a brief description of the establishment of a civil government, the third one contains an outline of Snouck Hurgronje’s role in ending the Aceh war, while the fourth section describes the position of Hasan Mustafa between Penghulu and Snouck’s informant. The third part of this paper contains a brief analysis of a number of legal views of some Muslim scholars of the similar issues and a comparison of Hasan Mustafa’s view with them. Finally, after the conclusion, a general bibliography of the materials which were used in this work will be provided.
The Mufti and His Fatwa – A Biographical Sketch of Hasi Hasan Mustafa
Mustafa was born on 14th of Sha’ban 1268/the 3rd of June 1852 in Garut; a region in the eastern part of the Priangan region West Java. His full name is Hasan Mustafa. It is reported that the name Hasan was given by his father and the name Mustafa was given by his grandfather. His father was Sastramanggala and his mother was Nyi Mas Salpah.
Mustafa’s father was a camat, a traditional official in the Cikajang district. He was the son of the regent of Parakanmuncang, Tumenggung Wiratanubaya. His ascendant was the famous Pajajaran prince, Prabu Kian Santang. After performing the hajj, Mustafa’s father changed is name to Uthman.
His mother was the daughter of Dalem Sunan Pager Jaya of Suci, Garut. She had a very pious Muslim ancestry who devoted themselves to the propagation of Islamic teachings to the Sundanese people when their belief was still paganism.
According to Holle (1829-1896), a Dutch government advisor who had a good relationship with Mustafa’s father, Mustafa was an intelligent and an attractive boy. Many people were impressed by his intelligence. Understandably, his father was given suggestion by a Dutch scholar to send Mustafa to a Dutch school. His father, however, insisted on his eight year old son to perform the hajj. After having been in Mecca for two years, he returned home to Garut and continued his basic education under the supervision of several religious teachers. He studied basic sciences as a prerequisite for further education such as fiqh, tawhid, hadith, Qur’an and Arabic. Having mastered the basic education, he continued his education at a higher level as a santri wandering from one Pesantren to another. He learned nawh, sarf, usul al-fiqh, fiqh, balagha, tafsir, mantiq, tasawwuf and tawhid under the supervision of various kyais. It was reported that among his kyais were Kyai Khalil of Bangkalan, Raden Haji Yahya of Garut, and Abdul Qahhar who belonged to the Shafi’ite in fiqh and to the Ash’arite doctrine in theology. Through those kyais, Mustafa was introduced to a discourse which is usually termed as the orthodox Islamic doctrines or the doctrinesof Ahl al-Sunna wa ‘l-Jama’a. In 1869 he was married to Nyi Mas Liut and went back to Mecca again. He studied there for about 4 years under the supervision of a number of shaykhs.
First was Shaykh Muhammad. He was a very popular Alim and was surrounded by a dozen disciples from the Archipelago. He was an expert in almost every subject of the Islamic sciences. His greatest expertise, however, was in tafsir. Mustafa studied tafsir, nahw, and sarf with him for more than eight years. Mustafa’s second teacher was Shaykh Abdul Hamid al-Daghestani. He was an expert in fiqh. He was popular and had a good reputation, not only among his Arab disciples but also among the Turks, the Yemenis, and the Javanese respectively. Al-Daghestani’s favourite book was the Tuhfa of al-Haitami and he wrote a hashiya (explanatory marginal notes) on it.
Shaykh Abdullah al-Zawawi (1849-1924) was another favourite teacher of Mustafa. He was a pious man. At the age of twenty, Zawawi was appointed as a professor at the Haram. He was very famous among the Javanese students. According to Snouck’s description, Mustafa was one of the leading students. When he was approaching his thirties, he gave important lectures in his apartment and in the Haram. He also wrote an important book which dealt with Arabic poetry and it was published in Cairo. Unfortunately, there seems to be little known about it.
Whether Snouck met Mustafa in this period is open to question. According to Snouck’s statement to the governor in his recommendation of Mustafa’s candidacy as a Penghulu in Aceh, when he resided in Mecca in 1885 to study the Jawa Hajj colony, he met Mustafa. This fact is confirmed by Van Koningsveld. According to him, Snouck met for the first time with Hasan Mustafa in Mecca in 1884. Jahroni, however, refuted this idea by referring to Mustafa’s Gendingan. He remarked that Mustafa did not say anything about this meeting. According to him, Snouck’s statement to the governor that he had met Mustafa could be seen as a kind of legitimating that he really knew his candidate, since there was a discrepancy between Snouck’s residence in Mecca in 1885 and Mustafa’s return to his hometown around 1882. In my opinion, Van Koningsveld’s notion that Snouck Hurgronje met Hasan Mustafa in 1884 in Mecca is right, because Hasan Mustafa in his letter sent to Snouck Hurgronje datect October 14, 1913 explained himself about that meeting. In that letter, he described that he with Snouck have agreed to make a plan to make a journey in Indonesia. And then they met again in July, 1889.
Having resided in Mecca for about 12 years, Mustafa returned to his hometown in 1882. He taught various Islamic subjects in the Mosque of Garut. In 1887, he participated in Snouck’s journey. After completing that journey, he went back to Garut and resumed his teaching.
In 1892 he was appointed Chief-Penghulu of Kutaraja (Aceh) at the recommendation of Snouck. His new status as a Penghulu involved him in the Dutch colonial government. He had become now the official who was responsible for Islamic religious matters and, at the same time, he served as one of Snouck’s informants.
In fact, as Van Koningsveld asserted, initially Mustafa had been steadfast in refusing any official position offered to him, including that of Penghulu in Kutaraja. After some encouregement by Snouck, he finally decided to accept it. Referring to Mustafa’s Gendingan, Jahroni adds to Koningsveld’s assertion that Mustafa’s decision was because he was determined to maintain his good relationship with Snouck. His salary, according to Van Koningsveld, was not bigger than that of a tradition scribe (juru tulis).
According to Jahroni, Mustafa arrived in Aceh to take up his new job as the hoofd Penghulu of Kutaraja on February 22, 1893. His besluit was dated January 13, 1893, no. 23. He held this position for three years.
Jahroni maintains that initially, Mustafa was able to easily adjust himself to the new environment which was dominated by the Dutch people. He could perform his official duties without being subjected to any suspicion or prejudice. The situation changed, Jahroni goes saying, when Mustafa, as a part of his duties, tried to develop a relationship with some of the particular groups among the Acehnese people. His attempts were very successful, but this achievement aroused some suspicions, and erupted as the major cause of his conflict with the Dutch officials. The latter, according to Van Koningsveld, considered that Mustafa was interfering inn issues which were beyond his authority. He was being stigmatized as being unable to co-operate with his Dutch counterparts. The upshot was that Mustafa was investigated by the Dutch supervisor (controleur).
Mustafa, according to Van Koningsveld, complained about this investigation. Mustafa sometimes would have to wait a couple of days just to perform a small official duty. Snouck wrote to Van Langen about this treatment and tried to defend Mustafa.
This harassment, however, did not last very long. In their meetings, the Assistant-Resident of Aceh Besar suggested Mustafa to understand that he really should limit his activities. Van Koningsveld maintains that the conflict between Mustafa and some particular Dutch officials had been the main reason that Mustafa had not been able to work to the top of his bent. He goes on maintaining that Mustafa claimed that the Dutch had ignored his kindness. The Governor of Aceh Besar deplored this, affirming that this prevented him from profiting from Mustafa’s expertise.
During this period, Hasan Mustafa wrote a letter to one of the great Acehnese leaders, asking him to be loyal to the East Indies Government and to command his own people not to wage war with it. In the meantime he also wrote a book containing questions and their answers on social, political, cultural and religious matters, Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat al-Atjih wa ‘l-Fidr (Revealing the Secrets about the Reality of Aceh and Pidir).
Mustafa was appointed Chief-Penghulu in the third phase of the Aceh war which had already begun in 1873 and lasted until 1913. Based on the periodization of the Aceh war made by Ibrahim, his appointment took place in the period of the establishment of civil government which divided Aceh into three administrative areas: Great Aceh with Kutaraja as its centre of government, northern and eastern Aceh, Western Aceh. This period paved the way for the Dutch East Indies government to change its ‘relationship’ with the Acehnese from the sitation of ‘war’ into one in which the Acehnese were designated as ‘rebels,’ based on the rejection of the sovereignty of the legal Acehnese Sultanate.
An Analysis of Haji Hasan Mustafa’s unpublished Manuscript – Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat al-Atjih wa ‘l-Fidr (Revealing the Secrets about the Reality of Aceh and Pidir) in which the Fatwa under Discussion is Found
When Mustafa became a Penghulu in Kutaraja Aceh, he wrote the above-mentioned book. As he mentions in the introduction of this book, he finished writing it on Wednesday Muharram 21, 1312/July 25, 1894. The introduction of this book includes ony the information about the date in which this book was written and the status of the author when he wrote the book. The author acknowledges that his book is actually entitled in Malay Boekoe Rahajat Atjeh dan Pidir (the Book of the People from Aceh and Pidir). On Arabic, he entitles the book as Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat al-Atjih wa Fidr.
Hasan Mustafa puts forward his motive of writing this book in questions number 69 and 82. He describes in those two questions that he wrote this book to prove that he had been in Aceh. He wrote the book to help the Kompeni ‘cure’ the disease of the Acehnese. Since the book contains the description of the disease of the Acehnese, he supposes that the book is read by the Great People (Dutch East Indies Government) as the doctors who were treating the disease. According to him, the doctors could not cure the disease if they would not know the disease well. Unfortunately, no further information about the publication or circulation of the book can be found. In all of Hasan Mustafa’s letters sent to Snouck Hurgronje, which are kept in the Leiden University Library, no discussion between Hasan and Snouck can be found around the issuance of this book.
This book is presented in classical Malay with hard-to-understand sentences; the punctuation is not clear; it contains complicated-subject-object-predicate relations; long sentences; a paragraph often contains only one sentence which sometimes may take more than one page. The numbering of the questions is carelessly written, especially in the last one third of the book. The book contains scribal errors, handled by crossing them out. Besides, the author of the book does not use any systematical method in explaining the subject matter. He describes, for instance, the Acehnese people in a number of questions. So if one wants to know his reflection on Acehnese people, one has to read questions no. 11, 12, 13, 7, 37, 52, 51, 53, 43, and 78. It is true that he acknowledges that in writing this book he just follows his mind haphazardly. Therefore, one may feel it very difficult to understand the contents and the ideas of the author, except after having read the whole book several times.
This book contains the author’s reflection on political, social, cultural and religious subject matters. In describing his reflections, the author uses the method of questions and answers. There are in all 154 questions with their answers occupying 190 pages. In this question-and-answer book, he overviews the Acehnese character and their view toward the Dutch East Indies soldiers. He explains the role and duty of the sultan, uleebalang, and raja and their mutual relationship. A number of figures such as Tuanku Hashim, Muhammad Da’ud, Teungku Ci di Tiro, Teuku Umar and Muhammad Zahir are under his discussion in this book. The discussion on Kompeni, Dutch East Indies Government, its role and advantage for the Acehnese is paid much attention by Hasan Mustafa while the war between the Acehnese and the Kompeni is summarized in a brief discussion. In the following paragraphs, I will describe Hasan Mustafa’s explanation of the above mentioned matters and I will prove that the whole explanation comes to one conclusion, viz., the exhortation to the Acehnese to be loyal to the Kompeni.
Hasan Mustafa maintains that the word Aceh is derived from hantjee wich means ‘there is no end’. Aceh in the past was a wild grass plain when it was burned, the thorn of the grass of th plain came forth again. Aceh is divided into two regions: Great Aceh and Aceh Pidir. The Great Aceh comprises three sagis (sides) and seventy-two mukims (districts) while Aceh Pidir comprises Eleboe, Oenjoeng and Pante-Radja. Uleebalang is a man of authority in the mukim while the sultan become the possessor of an endowed mukim (mukim wakaf). Hasan Mustafa does not explain who is the man of authority of the sagis and those three regions which are part of Aceh Pidir.
Generally speaking, Hasan Mustafa had a bad impression about the Acehnese people. Aceh is described as a country whose people always deceive each other. According to him, one can see many examples of deceits such as between the kings, brothers, and even between sons or daughters in law and their parents. Hasan Mustafa maintains that it is difficult for them to refrain from such a bad habit as deciet. The Acehnese share a stubborn and firm character; they are easy to forget the goodness and the favour of others and always refuse an understanding and good advice. Once they are annoyed by others, they will be angry forever.
Mustafa goes on maintaining that this bad character and habit are due to a low level of cognition and literacy and also because of their indifference to the significance of being ruled and being loyal to the Dutch colonial rule. In another passage, Hasan Mustafa explains the reasons why it is difficult for the Kompeni to rule Aceh. He puts forward two reasons: First the stubborness of its kings and secondly the stupidity of the people.
If one reads all the passages in this book, one finds similar titles which Hasan Mustafa ascribes to the Achehnese. The titles share negative meanings. In some passages, stupidity, sickness and lack of education are ascribed by the author to the Acehnese, while in some other passages stubborness, lies, meanness, deceitfulness and refusing the goodness and help of the others stand for the same purpose. Surprisingly, opposite qualities which contain appreciative as well as admiring meanings are attributed to the Kompeni, the rivals of the Acehnese people who want to establish justice, a powerful people who rule the country cleverly, and as infidels.
Interestingly enough Hasan Mustafa also describes how the Kompeni is viewed by the Acehnese. According to Hasan Mustafa, the Acehnese have various names and titles which they ascribe to the Kompeni, their rival in war. A number of names will be given here. First, the Kompeni is considered by the Acehnese to be a very powerful king who wants to seize the country without obeying the rule of the Acehnese kingdom. The Kompeni is also considered to be very powerful and wealthy people who are difficult for the Acehnese to be faced in war. In another passage of his book, Hasan Mustafa maintains that the Acehnese are hoping in vain that the Kompeni will feel guilty with their coming to Aceh.
In a number of passages, Hasan Mustafa puts forward his opinions concerning the ways to handle and manage the Acehnese. According to him, there are two difficulties one will face when one deals with Aceh: (1) the stubborness of its kings and (2) the stupidity of its people. Therefore if we propose an idea which deals with a religious matter, we should not mix it with an idea concerning a political matter. If we deal with an idea concerning trade, we should not discuss it at the same time as our dealing with an idea concerning religious matters.
He goes on maintaining that we should not hope that the diseases of the Acehnese will be cured quickly because of the great number of diseases such as murdering, deceit, slander etc. Therefore we should have a great quantity of medicines to cure those diseases. In another passage, Hasan Mustafa puts forward another tip to handle the Acehnese. According to him, when curing the disease of the Acehnese, one should cure it carefully in order that the medicine which is used becomes effective. In describing the fact how difficult it is to handle the Acehnese, Hasan Mustafa compares the difficulty with that of teaching a student, one needs more than one teacher.’ The tone of his hopelessness in handling the Acehnese is well-reflected in this passage: ‘One may destroy the Acehnese people, but they will emerge again.’ His last tip to handle the Acehnese is that if one wants to gain popularity and sympathy of the Acehnese, one should first speak about the excellence of one who was killed in the Way of God (mati sahid) and secondly one should obey the rule of the religious teachers which has become hukum adat (customary law).
Even though Hasan Mustafa overviews briefly the position of the sultan among the Acehnese as well as the socio-political position of the raja and the uleebalang, he does not distinguish between the sultan, raja (the king) and uleebalang. Hence, reading his explanation about this matter, one may find it difficult to understand whether or not the sultan and raja are the same and whether or not there is any difference between the raja and uleebalang. According to Hasan Mustafa, the sultan resides in Great Ache and he speaks Malay and sometimes Arabic. The people trust the sultan very much due to his spiritual loftiness and dignity. The Acehnese people take the water which the sultan uses for washing his foot. They use this water to cure the sick. The Acehnese people love and appreciate the sultan very much. The proof of this love and appreciation is reflected in their considering the sultan to be a jewel (intan). The loyalty of the people to the sultan is incomparable. When Said Abdurrahman Zahir almost became sultan, he was refuted by the people vehemently due to his nearness and goodness to the Kompeni.
Hasan Mustafa also overviews the position of the raja (king) and discusses the uleebalang briefly. Firstly, he divides the rajas into raja besar (bing king) and raja kecil (small king). He does not explain further the difference between these kings. He just mentions that some rajas are given a salary by Kompeni so due to that they are loyal to the Kompeni and will extinguish any rebellion against it in the area of their power. Some of them are not loyal to the Kompeni, because the latter could not compensate for the glory which they had before. Rajas are always attributed with kepala besar (stubbornness), one of the two factors which make it difficult for the Kompeni in handling the Acehnese, besides the stupidity of the Acehnese people. They have the bad (habit) of having feuds with each other and most of them are violent to the people. Rajas make use of ‘hard’ language in their daily communication. To describe how bad the uleebalangs are, Hasa Mustafa refers to a Teungku’s saying that the heart of an uleebalang is like buah mancang (a sort of fruit) whose smell is good and its colour is yellow. But its inside part is rotten. In another passage, Hasan Mustafa maintains that uleebalangs who have been loyal to the Kompeni still make use of the stamp of sultan’s cap sembilan in order to control the people under their authority.
There was a complicated conflict, according to Hasan Mustafa, between the sultan and the uleebalang. The sultans considered the uleebalang’s submission and loyalty to the Dutch East Indies as a menace for their control of the Acehnese people as well as an insult. In the uleebalangs’ perception, the Acehnese kings simply are concerned with their own dignity, power, wealth and self interest. In their perception, the Acehnese kings were indifferent to the people’s interest.
A number of Acehnese figures are discussed briefly by Hasan Mustafa such as Muhammad Da’ud, Tuanku Hashim, Teungku Ci di Tiro, Teuku Umar and Muhammad Zahir. Apart from Muhammad Daud and Tuanku Hashim, the discussions of other figures mentioned above are too short to be summarized here.
Muhammad Daud has the title P I. The title was given by the Acehnese as a symbol of their loyalty. The title will perish if Muhammad Daud violates the religious law or customary rule. In another passage, Hasan Mustafa suggests to the Kompeni to accept the idea of ‘goodness’ of Muhammad Daud, because the Acehnese loyalty to him is quite strong. Muhammad Daud has a very learned relative namely Tuanku Hashim. According to Hasan Mustafa, Tuanku Hashim has the title Banta Muda Mangkoe Raja. He is prudent and wise man who exerts strong influence among the Acehnese. If the Kompeni wants to gain control over the whole Acehnese people, it should make peace with Tuanku Hashim who can speak Malay, Arabic and Hindustan (Urdu), and who is well versed in the history of ancient kings and the history of some European countries, Bombay and Sumatra.
In another passage, Hasan Mustafa maintains that for the Acehnese, the cooperation with the Dutch East Indies soldiers is a shame that can cause their dignity and self esteem to go down. Teuku Umar as well as Tuanku Hashim’s cooperation with the Dutch East Indies’soldiers is merely a strategy to gain financial aid from the Kompeni. In fact, they used the financial aid for the interest of the Acehnese war. Their indifference to co-operate with the Dutch East Indies government causes the Acehnese kingdom to go down and become disintegrated.
Hasan Mustafa maintains that the rule which is used by the Dutch East Indies and imposed upon the Acehnese is essentially in accordance with the rule of Islam. Its main goal is to embody the welfare among the people. The Dutch East Indian government as the ruler is skillful and powerful while the Acehnese are in need to be ruled by a skillful and powerful ruler, in order to become developed and glorious. So, it is a duty incumbent upon Muslims to be loyal to the colonial government.
The explanation about the Dutch East-Indies soldiers, the Kompeni, occupies a big part of his book. According to Hasan Mustafa, the arrival of the Dutch East Indies soldiers in Aceh is meaningful and necessary for ruling its own people and to enchance as well as develop the degree of welfare and dignity of the Acehnese people. According to him, the Kompeni is a ‘medicine’ to cure and treat the stupidity, illiteracy and underdevelopment of the local people. Even though the Kompeni appropriated the natural resources, it is important for the Acehnese. At this point,he suggests to the Acehnese to keep a good relationship with the Dutch East Indies soldiers because the Kompeni is their ‘sultan’ which also tried to embody the interest of the Acehnese people.
Hasan Mustafa does not overview the Perang Sabil, the holy war or the Aceh war extensively. He simply states that the Kompeni is able to halt and extinguish the Acehnese rebellion. According to Hasan Mustafa, the Aceh war is the embodiment of the Acehnese stubborness preventing them to be loyal to the Colonial government. This stubborness belongs to their carelessness, lack of education, stupidity and indifference to the importance of being ruled by the Colonial government.
Bearing Mustafa’s explanation mentioned above in mind, one gets a strong impression of his loyalty to the Colonial government. He legitimized the Dutch East Indies’ effort to end the Acehnese war and enforcing civil rule. He tried to identify the Dutch East Indian Government as sultan who deserves obedience and loyalty from all the Acehnese people. Bearing Mustafa’s position as a Chief-Penghulu in mind, one may understand his view and idea about the Dutch Colonial Government. His position might have compelled him to play an active role in extinguishing the Acehnese rebellion.
In a letter he sent to Teungku Moehammad Zen Bantara Paloe in Jumada Awwal 3, 1312 H., Mustafa requested him to halt the warfare of his soldiers with the Dutch East Indian soldiers. If Teungku Moehammad Zen could halt the rebellion of his own people, he might deserve wealth, power and whatever he looked for from the Dutch East Indian soldiers. As described in his letter, as a sign of his happiness about their friendship and of readiness to co-operate with the other, Mustafa sent a can of minyak sapi (butter) to Moehammad Zen.
The Translation and the Discussion of the Fatwa
Question
64. If I am asked about whether or not I see the goodness of the kings in the Great Aceh.
71. I am asked whether or not that the stupidity in a country whose people are Muslims is because of the lack of education in Aceh (Negeri). Whereas I know the cleverness of the education in Aceh (Negeri).
72. What are the indications of the stupidity of ulama of this country?
Answer
64. You have to see that the cleverest one among those kings is one who is close to the Dutch East (Indian) government.
71. I know, but you have to know that those who hold the rule of this country are not religious teachers, or do I make a mistake?
72. I will write that the religious books are of course in accordance with the ruling government. In order that the readers can read my view easily, here I write my answer in malay. First, the hadith stated that religion is an easy matter. Secondly, the Holy Qur’an states that it is incumbent upon Muslims to be loyal to the ruling government. Thirdly, it was stated in Nasa’ih al-Muluk that the ruler has to use a thousand ways in ruling his people. But all [those ways] serve two aims: the advancement of the country and the happiness of the people. Fourthly, Ibn Qayyim said that the proof of justice is embodied in the religion of God. He [God] does not establish justice in one exclusive form, and because of that most religious people think that religious law always changes. Whereas it does not change until they learn it in order that they understand that this sayingis true. Ibn Hajar in 700 H. stated that we are not allowed at all to say that the religious law changed. But we say that the change of law is because of the change of the legal case.
I selected these three questions out of 154 Hasan Mustafa’s opinions in the mentioned book, because they seem to reflect his legal notion about the relationship between the Acehnese and the Dutch East Indian government. As we can see in his justification of the duty of the Acehnese to be loyal to the ruling government, Hasan Mustafa seeks to base his view on the legal traditional sources – the Qur’an, the Traditions, the consensus of the Muslim scholars and the view of a number of Muslim scholars. Nevertheless, analyzing the content of this fatwa cannot be separated from understanding the whole discussion undertaken by the author as mentioned above.
In the first fatwa, the Mufti asserted that the cleverness of a king should be measured by his closeness to the Kompeni (Dutch East-Indian government). This fatwa implies that the closer relation a king has with the Kompeni, the cleverer he is. The use of the word ‘clever’ may reflect the Mufti’s value judgment which may imply that the good king is the one who is close to the Kompeni and the bad one is the one who is not close to the Kompeni.
In questions no. 47, 63, 64, 68, 71 and 75 of his Kashf, Mustafa maintains that the arrival of the Dutch East Indian Government in Aceh is meaningful and necessary for ruling the people and to enhance and develop the degree of welfare and dignity of the Acehnese people. In question no. 19, he suggest (to) the Acehnese people to keep good relationship with the Dutch East Indian government because it is their sultan which also tries to embody the interests of the Acehnese people.
The third fatwa seems to reflect Mufti’s justification of his opinion that it is the duty of the Acehnese to be loyal to the Dutch East Indian government. Basing himself on the traditional texts – a passage of the hadith, a verse of the Qur’an and an opinion of the author of Nasa’ih al-Muluk as well as an influence of an opinion of Ibn al-Qayyim and Ibn Hajar, the Mufti legalizes the existence of the Dutch East Indian Government. He apparently believes that as long as the Kompeni is concerned with the two goals recommended, the Kompeni deserve the loyalty of the Acehnese, in line with a verse of the Qur’an abot loyalty to the ruling government as an obligation and of the hadith stating that religion is (an) easy matter.
Apart from the three questions quoted above in a number of other questions on the relationship between the Dutch East Indies government and the Acehnese, such as 75, 76, 77, 151, Hasan Mustafa does not refer to any religious traditional legal sources as a basis of his legal argument. He simply mentions that the Dutch East-Indian government is a medical doctor who tries to cure the ‘disease’ of the Acehnese people. He also maintains that the Kompeni consists of clever men who try to educate the Acehnese so as to eliminate the stupidity and to instruct hhow to manage the country well.’ Referring to Hasan Mustafa’s legal opinion in question no 72 as quoted above, one may understand the reason why Hasan Mustafa is so keen to convince the Acehnese people to be loyal to the Dutch East Indian government.
Instead of quoting the passage of the Qur’an on the prohibition for Muslims to acknowledge infidels to be their rulers and the Tradition of the Prophet – peace be upon him – concerning the same subject matter as quoted by a majority of Muslim scholars and as mentioned in all the Acehnese poetry concerning the Kompeni, Hasan Mustafa interprets those texts as being in accordance with the interests of the Dutsch East Indian government. This fatwa reflects the Mufti’s legitimation of the ruling government which was unanimously an infidel government. So one can hardly escape the impression that this fatwa was merely a part of the Colonial propaganda, rather than a genuine piece of legal advice.
The Historical Background of the Fatwa
Aceh War
Different names were given to the war between Aceh and the Dutch Colonial government which began in 1873. In various texts of the Acehnese found in the Leiden University library, the wars between the Acehnese and the Dutch East Indian soldiers were called differently. In cod. Or. 8706, p. 7 and cod. Or. 8134, p. 3, the war is named Perang Belanda, waging war against the Dutch, in Cod. Or. 8926, p. 1 and cod. Or. 8146, the war is named as Perang Kaphé, waging war against the disbelievers, while in cod. Or. 8926, p. 1, it is called Perang Sabi, waging war in the way of God. Alfian calls the war Perang Belanda, while Van’t Veer and Van der Maten called it de Atjeh Oorlog.
Different periods are attributed to the war between the Acehnese and the Dutch, as well. Kraemer distinguished seven periods; (1) the first expedition under the command of J.H.R. Köhler (April 5-29, 1873); (2) the second expedition under the command of J. van Sweiten until the occupation of the Dalam, the place of the uleebalang; (3) the period of consolidating the occupation of Aceh (April 1874-July 1878); (4) the period of violence and of occupying the entire Great Aceh (June 1878-September 1881); (5) the period of civil government (1881-1884); (6) the period of consttant decline (1884-1896); (7) the period of violence and the end of Aceh war (1876-1910). Paul van’t Veer in his book De Atjeh Oorlog classifies the Aceh into four periods; (1) the first period, 1873; (2) the second period, 1874-1880; (3) the third period, 1884-1896; (4) the last period 1898-1942. Referring to Jongejans, Alfian states that the Aceh war lasted from 1873 till 1913.
Different views about the end of the war also occupied the concern of the scholars. According to Kraemer, the war lasted ntil 1910, but according to Van’t Veer, it lasted until 1942. Jongejans and Alfian share the view that the war lasted till 1913 due to the death of the majority of Tiro ulama. According to Reid, however, the war lasted until 1898 due to the end of the conflict between Aceh and the Dutch due to the interference by Britain.
As for the origin of the Aceh war, at first the Dutch colonial government could not do anything against the Acehnese kingdom owing to the existence of the London Treaty of 1824. It was stated in the treaty that the Dutch should respect the sovereignty of the kingdom of Aceh. After years, the Dutch succeeded in inviting the British to the meeting table which gave rise to the treaty of 1871 known as the Sumatra treaty. It was stated in the treaty that the Dutch had the freedom to extend their sovereignty to the whole of Sumatra. They did not have the responsibility any more to respect the sovereignty of the kingdom of Aceh as mentioned in the London treaty of 1824. In the same year, the Dutch sent shp called Jambi into the sea of Aceh to survey the condition of the sea-side so that they could build a light house and study the political situation in the area of the sovereignty of the kingdom of Aceh.
The Dutch also sent a number of envoys urging the Acehnese government to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Dutch Colonial government. The Acehnese government rejected the request and conversely urged the Dutch Colonial government to give the former colonies of Aceh back, such Sibolga, Nias and Lankat.
In 1872, the Dutch Colonial government arrested the Acehnese ship called ‘Gipsy’ ship, which gave rise to increasing the tension between the two rivals. The Dutch sent envoys to settle the conflict but they failed. In 1872, the Dutch proposed the establishment of a commission led by the resident of Riau. In response to the proposal, the Acehnese government sent envoys led by Tibang Muhammad proposing the postponement of the negotiations. Coming back from Riau the Acehnese envoys stopped at Singapore to negotiate with the consults of USA and Italy to prepare the concept of the same level of cooperation between the Acehnese kingdom and USA against the threat of the Dutch Colonial government. The Dutch consul sent a message to the East Indian government informing that the American and Italian consuls tried to convince their governments to help the Acehnese wage war against the Dutch. As a result, in February 18, 1873 the Dutch government ordered Governor-General, Loudon, to send the navy to Aceh. Having heard that American squadrons had been sent to Aceh, envoys were sent by the Dutch colonial government to Aceh urging them to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Dutch. Receiving an unsatisfactory response, the Dutch government declared war on March 26, 1873.
The Dutch sent five naval ships. 6 steam ships, 5 small steamships and 8 patrol ships. On 8 April 1873 the Dutch army set foot in Pante Ceureumen, in the eastern region of Ulee Cheue under the command of J.H.R. Kohler. After having waged war for several days, the Dutch could hold only the Great Mosque of Kutaraja. Due to the pressure of the Acehnese army, however, they left it later. Kohler was shot and the Dutch army left Aceh back on April 29, 1873. The first Dutch agression failed.
On December 9, 1873, the second aggression against the Acehnese began. The force was multiplied and led by J. van Swieten. Tengku Hashim with his army guarded the Great Mosque and strengthened the defensive post in Peukan Aceh and Lembheuk and arragned the inner defence of Aceh.
Having learnt that the Great Mosque was taken by the Dutch army on January 6, 1874, 3,000 Acehnese who came from Mukim Duabelas (twelfth district) strengthened the war line which was built by Panglima Polim. Dalam was guarded by 900 armed Acehnese. After having been attacked many times by the Dutch, Dalam fell into the hands of the Dutch army on January 24, 1874. At the same time cholera spread widely among the Acehnese. The war ceaed for a while and the Dutch proposed the Siak Treaty with the Sultan of Aceh.
Because of the fact that Dalam was under the guard of the Dutch, Van Swieten proclaimed on January 31, 1874 that the kingdom of Aceh had already come under the rule of the Dutch. He also announced that the East Indian government had replaced the sultan and that Great Aceh had belonged to the Dutch East Indies.
Many uleebalangs signed the peace treaty with the Dutch in 1874 and 1876. A great number of Acehnese, however, steadily attacked the Dutch army. This forced General Wiggers van Kerchen to improve and extend the defensive line.
Nevertheless the defence was not efficiently able to hold back the Acehnese army, because of the increasing spirit of intensive attack as a result of the arrival of Habib Abdurrahman al-Zahir from Turkey.
In 1878, van der Heijden, the Civil and Military Governor, tried to attack all the valley of Aceh river in Great Aceh. In March 1878, Habib Abdurrahman attacked Lam Krak. Two months later, there was a meeting held among the Acehnese leaders to intensify the attack against the Dutch. It forced the Dutch to send military forces to the southern part of Great Aceh and West Aceh in February and March of the same year. Habib Abdurrahman and a number of uleebalangs now gave up fighting and made contacts with the Dutch.
In May, June and July of 1879, the Dutch sent a naval force to attack the bivouac of Aceh in Kuala Jangka and Peukan Baro of Pidie, Ladong and Krueng Raya of Great Aceh, and Pesangon in northern Aceh. The patrol which was suggested to be run continuously by Van der Heijden was stopped by Pruys van der Hoeven, considering that many uleebalangs ceased to attack the Dutch and promised to be loyal to the East Indian Government. In January 1891, Tengku Cik di Tiro Muhammad Saman passed away and this was followed by the death of Teuku Panglima Polim. In September 1893, Teuku Umar with his 15 leaders declared their loyalty to the East Indian Government and he was entitled henceforth as Teuku Johan Pahlawan.
The Establishment of Civil Government
In Staatsblad of 1881 no. 79, it was declared that Great Aceh fell under the rule of the civil government in Kutaraja, and that the states which were under the command of uleebalangs outside of Great Aceh were allowed to be autonomous. On April 6, 1881, Pruys van der Hoeven was appointed civil governor. Pruys divided the area of his rule into three districts: (1) Great Aceh with Kutaraja as the center of government; (2) northern and eastern Aceh with Lhokseumawe as the center of government and western Aceh with Meulaboh as the center of government. He was assisted by ten controllers.
Snouck Hurgronje and his Role in Ending the Aceh War
As the one who founded the official institution which studied and proposed colonial policies concerning Islamic affairs to the Dutch East Indian government, Snouck played a significant role in the efforts to suppress the Acehnese rebellion. His role can be traced from his research in Mecca until his establishment of Het Kantoor voor Islamitische Zaken.
It is known that under the cover of the Pilgrimage (the hajj) weapons were secretly dispatched from Istanbul to Aceh. The leaders of the Acehnese rebellion who escaped from Aceh and were searched by the Colonial high authority were known to reside in the Holy City of Islam. Mecca became the central city of agitation. Bearing this in mind, Kruyt, the Dutch consul in Jeddah, proposed to the Ministry of Colonization in the Hague the training of local secret Muslim agents who could enter Mecca freely. Since this initiative was rejected by the Ministry of Colonies, he suggested another proposal namely the dispatching of two envoys among the pilgrims entering Mecca. This proposal was also rejected by the Ministry of Colonies. Finally, Snouck Hurgronje was recommended to deal with this ‘secret duty.’
In his letter to Theodor Noldeke on August 1, 1885, Snouck wrote that the main goals of his activities in Mecca were to study the daily activity of the pilgrims, the behaviour of the ulama and their political activity in the form of pan-Islamism which was being disseminated among the Muslim world by the pilgrims, especially among Muslims in the East Indies.
Snouck’s activity for half a year in Mecca helped his next career in the East Indies. He was able to get the ulama’s sympathy so much that he could collect valuable information which enabled him to design a colonial policy concerning the centers of religious learning in the East Indies. He also got the sympathy of some of Acehnese ulama, such as Teungku Nurdin, a younger brother of a former chief Penghulu who helped him very much as he believed in Snouck’s Muslimness and his good relationship with Nurdin’s teachers in Mecca.
As a religious adviser in Het Kantoor voor Islamitische Zaken, the office dealing with Muslim matters, Snouck Hurgronje with his ambtelijke adviezen played significant role in influencing the colonial policies in dealing with Muslims in the East Indies. It is not an exaggeration if Wertheim states that Snouck’s ambtelijke adviezen testify to Snouck’s active role in extinguishing the Acehnese rebellion.
Hasan Mustafa: Between Penghulu and Snouck Hurgronje’s Informant
Many informants assisted Snouck Hurgronje in doing his research both in Arabia and the East Indies. Haji Aboe Bakar Djajadiningrat is often considered as Snouck’s most loyal assistant who supplied valuable information for a big part of Snouck’s Mecca in the Latter Part of the Nineteenth Century. He supplied the information to the Dutch Consulate in Jeddah about the rebellious leaders from Western Java who had escaped and resided in Mecca. Besides, he oversaw the activity of the Indonesian hujjaj, collected information about them and traced secretly the activities of the rebels from the East Indies. In a letter sent to Euting, Strassbourgh Orientalist, of December 11, 1888, Snouck wrote about his next journey to the East Indies: ‘In Suez, I might meet a journey fellow. He is a well-educated Javanese, who has been in Mecca for 12 years. He has been my most loyal informant for years, and also helped me loyally when I was in Mecca.’ Another informant of Snouck was Hasan Mustafa who accompanied Snouck Hurgronje during his journey to study the Islamic studies of the Pesantrens (Islamic traditional colleges) in west and middle Java in 1889 and 1890. He then collected information about Pesantrens in an effort to design a colonial policy dealing with these centers of Muslim learning. In 1896, Snouck acknowledged that ‘Hasan Mustafa accompanied me in 1889-1891 in a number of my journeys in Java: Due to his indispensable assistance, a great number of indigenous people gathered around me from whom I could gather valuable information.
The friendship between Snouck and Hasan Mustafa began in Mecca. When Snouck Hurgronje did his research in Mecca, he became well-acquainted with the Jawa, the people who came from the South-East Asian Archipelago. Snouck met Hasan Mustafa in Mecca in 1884. He knew well two of sixty Sundanese students; Hasan Mustafa and Muhammad Garut. As stated in his own diary, Snouck built a good relationship with the Javanese students and ulama in Mecca.
The appointment of Hasan Mustafa as Penghulu cannot be separated from Snouck’s role. In a letter he sent to the Secretary of the Governor General he stated, ‘He obviously could easily develop a good relationship with the Acehnese and has a grasp of the real situation.’
Initially, Mustafa refused the offer given to him by Snouck to become Penghulu. But Snouck’s repeated suggestions and urgings compelled him to accept it. Mustafa’s readiness to finally accept the offer may have sprung from their good relationship which started since they met Snouck in Mecca in 1884.
Snouck’s recommendation of Hasan Mustafa to become Penghulu in Kutaraja Aceh may have had a political motivation which was not recognized by Hasan Mustafa. Snouck may have believed that Hasan Mustafa could be a mediator between the Acehnesse and the Dutch. This can be inferred from Snouck’s letter sent in May 22, 1894 to the Secretary of the Governor General as mentioned above.
Hasan Mustafa’s correspondence with Snouck when the former was a Penghulu in Aceh and the latter was residing in Weltevreden (central Jakarta now) shows that Hasan Mustafa played an active role in participating in the effort at ending the Acehnese war. According to Van Koningsveld, a weekly letter Mustafa sent to Snouck Hurgronje from Aceh might have urged the latter to compel the Dutch East Indies soldiers to intensify the war against the Acehnese people. Taking all the facts mentioned above into account, one may understand the context of his legal opinion concerning the necessity of the Muslims to be loyal to the Colonial government. We can infer from this historical background that Hasan Mustafa’s fatwa was used as a support for the Colonial interest to end the Acehnese war. Nevertheless, I cannot evaluate the real significance and influence of his legal opinion on ending the Acehnese war due to the basic fact that this fatwa was merely a text written in an unpublished book, Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat al-Atjih wa ‘l-Fidr. Neither could I find a written reaction to this legal opinion. As far as I know, the polemic between Hasan Mustafa and Sayyid Uthman, both of them were Snouck’s informants, as described by Hasan Mustafa in his Injaz al-Wa’d fi Itfa al-Ra’d, has to do with his mystical thought.
Comparing the Fatwa with Other Muslim Views
In the following paragraphs, I will try to describe some views of Muslim scholars dealing with the Holy war. The first three views discussed the Islamic point of view about the necessity of the Holy War when a Muslim country is invaded by the infidels. These three views are respectively the opinion of Shaykh Nawawi a-Bantani, Abu Zakariyya al-Ansari, and Nawawi al-Dimashqi. As for the other views, I will overview the legal opinions of several legal advisors (muftis) which were compiled by Muhammad ibn Sulayman Hasab Allah al-Makki al-Shafi’I (1828-1917) and also I would like to describe the legal opinion of Hashim Ash’ari (1871-1947). Their views expound a set of rules concerning the relationship between Muslims and the Dutch.
Shaykh Nawawi al-Bantani and Abu Zakariyya al-Ansari’s legal opinions concerning the Holy War can be found in their books respectively Nihayat al-Zin and Fath al-Wahhab. Both scholars considered that necessity of Holy War depended on two conditions. First, if a Muslim country has been occupied by infidels the obligation to wage a Holy War becomes a firm social obligation (fard kifaya). The Holy War should be declared once a year by some Muslims. Secondly, if the enemy, the infidels, for instance, invade a Muslim country, the obligation to wage a Holy War would become an individual obligation. At the time of invasion, there is an obligation on every Muslim to defend the country.
Another view I would like to describe is the view of Muhyi al-Din Abu Zakariyya Nawawi al-Dimashqi. His legal opinion deal with the subject found in his work Minhaj al-Talibin which was edited and translated into French by L.W.C. van den Berg. He also discusses the obligation to wage a Holy War and holds the same opinion as by the two previous religious scholars, al-Ansari and al-Bantani.
The fatwa which is issued by Muhammad ibn Hasab Allah al-Makki al-Shafi’I concerning the Acehnese war is interesting for a comparison with Hasan Mustafa’s fatwa. This fatwa was the answer to a number of requests for legal advice. Questions of the requesters are that: If a Muslim land is conquered by the unbelievers from which they drive away its inhabitants. Then the inhabitants were divided into groups; one group of them (1) moves along with their sultan to a place from which they plan to return to their original place to resist the unbelievers. Group 2 surrenders to the unbelievers and accepts their authority; another group moved to another country and waits to return to their country safely. In response to these questions, the Mufti stated that the second group is not allowed to surrender to the unbelievers as long as it is able to resist. Its surrender in the meantime was sinful but if it were powerless to resist and conditions would become worse, it is allowed to move to another region. Nevertheless, it is worried about its condition and thus surrenders to the unbelievers, although it is still able to resist them, it should not be considered kafir because of its surrender. Should the condition become worse, it is not allowed to return. Neither is it allowed to perform hajj to Mecca and go for ziyarat to Madina at the time of the Holy War. But if there is no support and no possibility for continuing the jihad, then it is allowed to leave for the hajj, while the blame should be put on those withholding support though they were able to give it.
According to Van Koningsveld, this fatwa seems to expound a set of rules to be obeyed by the various groups of the Acehnese in their internal relations as well as their contacts with the Dutch enemy. One can conclude also that the life and property of those Acehnese who had surrendered to the Dutch should be respected because, according to this fatwa, no Muslim becomes an unbeliever by the act of surrender. Van Koningsveld also said that this fatwa probably played a role in the discussions of the various Acehnese resistance-leaders. This can be inferred, he concluded, from the fact that Teungku Kutakarang, in his pamphlet, Tadhkirat al-Raqidin, seems to have respected the rules of Hasab Allah’s fatwa, in his approach to his fellow-Acehnese who had surrendered to the Dutch. He (Teungku Kutakarang) urged the Acehnese people to participate in waging war, but he did not consider them as kafirs, infidels, if they did not.
I believe that Hasan Mustafa was aware of the issuance of legal opinions mentioned above and he might have understood well their idea that once a Muslim region was occupied by infidels, all Muslims were obliged to liberate their region from them, the waging of war to resist the infidels becoming an individual obligation. Also he might have read legal opinions of Nawawi al-Bantani, Abu Zakariyya al-Ansari and al-Nawawi al-Dimashqi dealing with the necessity of Muslims to prosecute the jihad once their region is invaded by the infidels. Nevertheless, he had a different legal opinion. I do not think that his identifying the Colonial to a sultanat or ‘Islamic kingdom’ as a part of this mode of legal thinking. Taking that he was a Penghulu which should be loyal to the Colonial government into account, one may understand his legal opinion dealing with the Muslim’s obligation to be loyal to the Colonial Government as described in his book, Kashf al-Sara’ir fi Haqiqat al-Atjeh wa ‘l-Fidr.
Another fatwa which is relevant in this subject is one of Hashim Ash’ari. It was stated in the fatwa that it is incumbent for every Muslim to wage war against the infidel which usurps Indonesian independence. The background of this fatwa was quite different from that of Hasan Mustafa. This fatwa was issued at the return of the Netherlands Indies civil administration which tried to usurp Indonesian independence after the World War II. This fatwa was a manifestation of obvious objection of religious leaders to the foreign interference with the internal affairs after the dawn of independencd. This fatwa expresses the ideology of jihad against the Colonial government. Hasan Mustafa’s fatwa was issued when the Dutch East Indies soldiers were trying to extinguish the Acehnese rebellion in the colonial time.
Conclusion
The general historical background of this fatwa is the war between the Acehnese people and the Dutch East Indies soldiers. By interpreting the traditional Islamic legal basic sources, the Qur’an, Sunnah and some Muslim scholars’ opinion, the Mufti attempted to induce the Acehnese people to quit their rebellion against the Dutch East Indies government and assured them that the Colonial government was their legitimate ruler which deserved their loyalty and obedience. This fatwa was issuedhen the Dutch East Indies’ civil government was enforced in Aceh. The establishment of civil government, which consequently changed the status of Acehnese resistance from waging war to a rebellion, required the people’s legitimacy. Requiring the Acehnese to quit their rebellion against the Dutch rule as well as to be loyal to the rule, this fatwa is a conspicuous reflection of the Colonial propaganda to acquire the legitimacy among the people. Hence, one might say that this fatwa was issued as a propaganda material rather than as legal advice.
The friendship between the Mufti, Hasan Mustafa, and Snouck Hurgronje, which paved the way for the former the position of a Penghulu in Kutaraja Aceh, may suggest a psychological force to the issuance of this fatwa. It is well-known that weekly letters which were sent by Hasan Mustafa to Snouck played a significant role in extinguishing the Acehnese rebellion since the latter was the legal adviser of the Secretary General of Dutch East Indies government. In effect, due to this friendship itself, one may suggest that Hasan Mustafa occupied his position as ‘an informant,’ of his friend, Snouck Hurgronje, rather than as a professional Penghulu. Thus, it is understandable if one say that his fatwa is a political information than a legal opinion.
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Manuscripts
Cod. Or. 18097 s. 16 (Arabic Letters from Kutaraja, Correspondence with Snouck Hurgronje, 1893-1895)
Cod. Or. 18097, s. 9 (Letters sent by Hasann Mustafa to Snouck Hurgronje in Weltevreden, 1893-1894)
Cod. Or. 7636 (Kashf al-Sar’ir fi Haqiqat Atjeh wa ‘l-Fidr)
Cod. Or. 7205 (Injaz al-Wa’d fi Itfa al-Ra’d)
Cod. Or. 8952 (Arabic Letters sent by Hasan Mustafa to Snouck Hurgronje, 1911-1923).
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